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Gratification and Gratitude for the Reemergence of Pan-Ethiopian Agenda & Discerning the Invisible Hand in Ethiopian Politics: Special Message to PM Abiye Ahmed

By Ghelawdewos Araia, PhD
Tigrai Online, May 30, 2018


The main title of the article is pretty much clear; the companion title, however, is not quite obvious and intelligible, but I will make it comprehensible to the reader when I delve into the current Ethiopian politics. As always, I will try to be objective and fair in my overall analysis and investigative discourse pertaining to the recent political change in Ethiopia.

I am extremely elated that Ethiopia once again managed to come out successfully from the relatively destabilizing and recalcitrant movements and disturbances in the Amhara and Oromia regional states and ethnic strife in the Oromia-Somali regions.  Some Ethiopian observers, including the opposition in the Diaspora portrayed the movements (and some even claimed they were behind it) as peoples’ uprisings (Ye Hizb Amets) but as I have noted and reasoned in my previous works, peoples’ uprisings do not destroy and burn public and private property, and most of all do not attack by singling out one Ethiopian ethnic group, namely the Tigrayans who were residing in the Amhara and Oromia regional states. Any movement that is geared toward attacking innocent people who belong to a certain ethnic group could not be defined as peoples’ uprising; on the contrary, it is anti-people and it could dangerously contribute to ethnic civil war and ethnic cleansing. The movements were imbued with ethnic hatred, and as a result Ethiopia was on the verge of a civil war; a civil war deliberately engineered by anti-Ethiopia forces, (most of these were ex-Derg [former military Government] members) who unashamedly advocated a Rwanda-type massacre or pogrom against Tigrayans. Ironically, these devil incarnates based their agenda on the ‘fertile ground’ of ethnic politics that have mushroomed in Ethiopia following the ethnic/language demarcation of the nine regional states. The EPRDF, of course, did not intentionally divide up Ethiopia into mono-ethnic entities in order to foment divisiveness among Ethiopians and govern the country by the old adage of ‘divide and rule’. The ruling party, in fact, wanted to restructure Ethiopia in a federal system that, in turn, respects the equality and autonomy of the various nationalities that make up Ethiopia, in spite of  its erroneous regrouping the various strata of Ethiopians into ‘nations’, ‘nationalities’ and ‘peoples’. I do believe that Ethiopia is a nation-state that constitutes nationalities or linguistic groups, and the country is the sum total of the collective diverse nationalities; evidently each nationality in Ethiopia is known as ‘Ethiopian’, and incidentally the overarching Ethiopian common identity was forged by thousands of years of interaction and integration within the body politic of the Ethiopian nation. Following this logical deduction thus, we must say ‘Ethiopian People’ and not ‘Ethiopian peoples’.

However, the EPRDF was unable to forecast the outcome or consequence, or more specifically the negative attributes of an ethnically divided Ethiopian nation. I sensed the problem of ethnocentric politics when I published my debut book in 1995, and this is how I advanced my thesis then:

The TGE’s policy of Kilil and self-determination is commendable, but the consequence of fragmentation as a result of new wave of ethnic political consciousness, and the inability of some minority nationalities to become economically and politically viable, would ultimately preoccupy Ethiopians to otherwise unforeseen problem.1

Had the EPRDF sensed the problem of ethnic-based politics, as I did 23 years ago, Ethiopia would never have encountered the very messy and belligerent political culture that all of us have witnessed during the 2015-2017 turmoil period in Ethiopian history. On top of the ability to predict outcomes of a given policy and/or political program, it is of paramount importance that Ethiopians begin to create their own independent ideology or world outlook, because the many alien ideologies, which were by and large irrelevant to the larger Ethiopian society, have had produced negative results amongst Ethiopian political groupings. In relation to the idea of evolving an independent ideology, I contributed an article entitled “21st Ethiopian Politics Should Be Reoriented Toward National Reconciliation and a Home Grown Ideology,” and I argued as follows:


Ethiopians must no longer be guided by the old ideologies of the liberal and radical, which are alien and irrelevant to the larger society and begin rather to formulate a new theoretical framework of what I call “social constructivist” and begin to study their history and culture, and ultimately establish policies of their own, independent of foreign influences. This does not mean, of course, to reject anything foreign; Ethiopians must indeed receive anything foreign, including technology that benefits them; it is only to underscore the importance of independence that could altogether lead to creativity and a home grown ideology. The social constructivist theory recognizes the potential of individuals and groups as game changers in society, not only by receiving ideas from outside influences but also by methodically and creatively evolving their own distinct ideology that, in turn, sustains an independent national mode of thinking.2

On top of forging a home grown ideology, Ethiopians should also rediscover their shared common history and collective identity with diligence and a sense of urgency. One of the contributing factors for the present miserable ethnocentric values that, in turn, fueled fratricidal skirmishes in some areas of Ethiopia, was lack of knowledge of Ethiopian history. Had Ethiopians in general and present young generation in particular clearly understood their history, s/he would have acquired a higher form of thinking and broader scope that could have transcended local and narrow nationality (or tribal) outlooks. Once Ethiopians begin to discover their history, they would automatically grasp the essence of ancient and medieval Ethiopian civilizations. Furthermore, they would understand the pre-Aksum (Da’amat or Yeha) and Aksumite civilizations; that of Lalibela rock-hewn churches ingenuity; the magnificent Gondar Castles; the Jimma Abba Jifar Kingdom and it’s splendor palace; the Harar Emirate Kingdom and the walled city of Harar; the Tona Wollamo Kingdom; the Kaffa king (Kaffiňo Tato) with his six-member council known as Mikricho; the Oromo Gada democratic culture; and the plethora of traditional political systems of the Gambella, Beni-Shangul Gumuz; Afar, Somali, Sidama, Guraghe, and other nationalities in the Debub Regional State indeed belong to all Ethiopians; they don’t only belong to all Ethiopians, but they are also pride to other Africans in the continent and the Diaspora.

Knowledge and deep appreciation of Ethiopian history will eventually enable Ethiopians to recapture some of their values. The present generation especially is divorced from the good and old values such as ethics, collective and sharing norms, respecting the elderly, extending help to the needy and loving Ethiopia with patriotic zeal. We must recover those great values in order to create not only an economically robust Ethiopia but also a healthy Ethiopian society as well, not to mention an open public debate, an independent judiciary, rule of law, and above all a constitution that would become a working paper.

As stated above, although some Ethiopian ethical values have considerably diminished, and in some cases eroded, the material and intellectual aspect of our civilization, such as the standing ancient monuments, our phonetic Geez alphabets, our calendar, weaving, basketry, pottery, artistic and symmetric design of costumes, and an array of indigenous foods and herbal medicine etc are still constant reminders of the Ethiopian collective genius; they also symbolically propose that Ethiopia is on the rise and a nation destined to become the leader of Africa.

In order to translate the symbolic proposition of Ethiopian destiny, however, a collective and united Ethiopian endeavor is required. In anticipation of these collective ethos, I have contributed some relevant articles in Amharic and English: 1) ‘The Direction of Ethiopian Political Atmosphere: The Historical Duty of the Government, the Opposition Groups, and the People (Amharic) and the link is www.africanidea.org/Ethiopian_Opposition_Historical_duty.pdf; 2) ‘Pan-Ethiopian Agenda Vs Sectarian Ethnocentric Politics: www.africanidea.org/Pan_Ethiopian_Agenda.pdf.  In brief, what these two old articles and the present article entail is that we Ethiopians must be part of the energy that would shape the future of Ethiopia and put the country on the right track of history, and by doing so we will successfully delineate the foundations of a united and strong Ethiopia.

Discerning the Invisible Hand in Ethiopian Politics: Special Message to PM Abiye Ahmed


There is no doubt that Dr. Abiye Ahmed is a jewel in the crown in Ethiopian politics; a man of vision and a committed leader; in a short two months period, he stirred up and mobilized the Ethiopian people; he was candid and frank in all his speeches, and his audience in the Oromo/Somali region, Ambo, Tigray, Gondar, Bahir Dar, Hawassa, Beni-Shangul Gumuz, and Gambella seized the first opportunity to express and address their concerns by directly forwarding questions to the Prime Minister. This kind of gathering of people to discuss political and social issues never happened before in Ethiopian modern history, and I believe, it would have a deeper impact on the establishment of democracy in Ethiopia and the enhancement of the positive path of transformation that is already taking place in the country. We have witnessed the reawakening of Ethiopia, thanks in large measure to the Ethiopian people and the dynamic leadership of Dr. Abiye.

However, as some people have thought and conjectured, PM Abiye is not acting alone; after all he is the byproduct of the EPRDF and in a parliamentary system it is the ruling party that is the ultimate decision maker, although the PM is the chair and foremost spokesperson of his party. There is no doubt that Dr. Abiye came up with openly-declared determination in several public appearances and mass conferences, but we should evaluate him and his initiative (and the embodiment of his speeches) in light of the policy-planning spectrum of the EPRDF. What that means in a nutshell is that the EPRDF is still the mover and shaker in Ethiopian politics; the TPLF may not be as dominant as it used to be but it has neither retreated to Tigray nor completely relegated itself from its role in the ruling party as some naïve observers assessed current Ethiopian politics.

The Invisible Hand: What does ‘invisible hand’ mean? Political economists attribute ‘invisible hand’ to Adam Smith, who first coined the phrase and reasoned, “individuals acting to pursue their selfish interests may unintentionally benefit society”; the hand of these individual people is not discernible or easily detected; hence, it is invisible. Long after Adam Smith, economist came up with their own interpretation of the invisible hand to mean as unobservable market force that automatically creates equilibrium for the demand-supply nexus. That this is not true, however, is evidently proved by the intermittent episodes in the form of recession and/or depression in capitalist societies.

PM Abiye Ahmed, while lecturing his ministers (I will separately discuss this later) have also used the phrase ‘invisible and elusive’ with respect to time consciousness. My ‘invisible hand’ is completely different from that of Adam Smith and Dr. Abiye’s; my ‘invisible hand’ pertains to those ill-qualified cadres who have sheltered in all government bureaucracies, ministries, embassies, and other government institutions. These ‘invisible hands’ are not known to the general public but they exercise enormous powers (sometimes unauthorized), especially in emasculating the interests of citizens apparently branded as opposition to the EPRDF, or they could be independent thinkers who may have been critical of the status quo; or intellectuals who were generally perceived as dangerous to the EPRDF and hence systematically avoided.

The ‘invisible hand’ outside Ethiopia constitute employees in all Ethiopian embassies and they serve as watch dogs to the appointed ambassadors; they also serve, I am told, as bookkeepers of black-listed Ethiopians who are either prohibited to visit Ethiopia or are the multitude who were denied the grant of “persons of Ethiopian origin card”, popularly known in Amharic as Tewlede Ethiopia. I have firsthand information on the Tewlede Ethiopia conundrum and condemnation of innocent Ethiopians who have resided abroad for several decades and who wished to be granted the dual citizenship. Under this kind of intricate circumstance, some Ethiopians in the Diaspora have become targets and victims of a double edged sword; they are trapped between two invisible hands: one that is already mentioned above and managed by Ethiopians, and the other supervised by foreigners (non-Ethiopians) and happens to be more obscure than the first.

In addition to the invisible hand, most Ethiopian embassies are enclosures detached from Ethiopians; they are in fact very much like medieval fortresses, and as a result far from serving as conduit between the Ethiopian citizens (and people of Ethiopian descent in the Diaspora) and the Ethiopian Government, they seemed to have opted to deliberately avoid Ethiopians, including those who even proposed projects and/or scholarly works for the development of Ethiopia.

But of all Ethiopian embassies, the Ethiopian Embassy to the United Kingdom is exception to the rule and far from employing the invisible hand and enclosure walls, it was very transparent, engaged Ethiopians in London and its surroundings in cultural events and gatherings for rising funds for the Renaissance Dam; and most importantly, the embassy has done a superb job by reaching out investors and have them invest in Ethiopia. I suggest that the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs seriously consider the exemplar role of its embassy in London and use it as a model for other dormant Ethiopian embassies around the world.

As indicated above, while the Ethiopian Embassy in the UK wrought an impressive performance, other embassies for the most part have played a negative role by alienating Ethiopian intellectuals, but I have no knowledge whether these embassies were given a directive from the Ethiopian Government to act in such a way as to play a counterproductive role. Given this sad affair and complicated scenario, I have come to suspect that my draft proposal addressed to the newly established government and Dr. Abiye (dated April 26, 2018 and entitled Education and Knowledge-based Economy in the Ethiopian, African, and Global Contexts) may have been lost in the “proper channel” that I have tried to send it over to PM Abiye Ahmed, and to this day I have no knowledge whether the Government has received the draft proposal or not.

Special Message to PM Abiye Ahmed: In this section of the paper, I am going to use the first and third persons in addressing the PM, and this, incidentally, is my two penny-worth advice to the Prime Minister, as enumerated below:

  1. In regards to your destiny to become a leader of Ethiopia, as per your mother’s prophesy, you should understand that your premiership and Ethiopia’s rise and preeminence are inextricably woven together. However, you are a spot in the larger canvas that represents Ethiopia, but you could be an effective vehicle along with your colleagues (or comrades if you will) in uplifting Ethiopia.
  2. Your leadership style so far is impressive; you are open and transparent, and you have exhibited the kernel of Ethiopia’s humility and humbleness reflected in your interaction with the people at street level and at grassroots level. Nevertheless, although human beings in general and Ethiopians in particular are good by nature, you must watch out for monsters masquerading in the midst of good Ethiopians; wherever you go, security should be imperative (or applied as a necessary evil); it should not be too tight, for it isolates you from the people and it should not be too lax for it will tempt the monsters to use the propitious moment for their evil deeds.
  3. With respect to your workshop-style lecture to your Ministers: There is no doubt that many people will appreciate your initiative and admire your ability in explaining the many themes like ‘developing personal integrity’, ‘openness’, ‘tone setting’, ‘time consciousness’, ‘time management tips’, ‘truth’ and ‘vision’ that are part and parcel of your lecture. Regarding ‘opportune time’ with your translation as ‘time as luck’ (Gizie Ende Edil), I kind agree with you, but I make distinction between ‘chance’ and ‘luck’; the former connotes auspicious moments and coincidences; the latter may imply predestination and/or preordination. Long time ago, the brilliant Niccolo Machiavelli saw fortuna (chance or luck in Italian) as an important element in politics; contextually speaking, thus, I wish Dr. Abiye most of luck and I don’t want him to stumble into a wholly unpredictable situation.

However in regards to the ‘workshop-type lecture’, I have some reservations: a) the lecture, without doubt, is first of its kind in Ethiopian political history, but sometimes it is necessary to keep some original ideas within the inner circle and doing so would not contravene transparency and/or accountability; b) Dr Abiye has used high-flown terms and concepts in explaining the themes of his lecture and I have easily detected the confusion from the facial expressions of some of the ministers; some of them were taking notes; others were simply sitting and listening. I have no knowledge of the educational level (and comprehension capacity) of the Ministers, but I would advise that an educator should always try to communicate with his/her students not the way s/he understands phenomenon but the way the students would comprehend the essence of a lecture topic/theme; an educator should always seriously consider the compatibility of relevant and synchronized knowledge with the recipient audience; c) to the extent possible, our leaders, including PM Abiye should address their audience in Amharic without tainting it with English words. This concern of mine was actually stated when I tried to convey a message to the former PM Hailemariam Desalegn as indicated below:


The majority of educated Ethiopians (high school to advanced degree levels) like to either speak in Amharic or other Ethiopian languages bombarded with English language (words) even when they address illiterate peasants who don’t understand English at all. It has become increasingly fashionable for urbanite “educated” Ethiopians to use Guramayle (English and Ethiopian languages) to exhibit that they are civilized and modern, but in doing so they have utterly disregarded the majority of Ethiopian people, who apparently are uneducated. They speak without due consideration of their audience, and most importantly they seem to have forgotten that the most sophisticated educated people are those who communicate with their audience in the language that the latter understands. I watch Ethiopian TV nightly news almost every day and I am dumbfounded to witness that almost all journalists, members of parliament, ministers, government bureaucrats, regional state presidents etc speak in Guramayle. For instance, the TV anchors in Amharic and other Ethiopian languages almost always say ‘transformation’, ‘construction’, ‘investment’, ‘budget’ etc but they may have inadvertently ignored their audience. Do they think that the Ethiopian peasants understand those English words? The transparency of PM Haile Maraim Desalegn is to be admired, but I am afraid it could be compromised by lack of effective communication…I have no doubt in my mind that the Ethiopian journalists and the PM are honest people and they had no intention of deliberately confusing Ethiopians, but since communication proposes answering questions as well as explaining and clarifying what the intended audience does not already know, both the journalists and the PM have an obligation to communicate with untainted Amharic…Admittedly, sometimes, we all are tongue tied when we express ourselves and we tend to employ English words in order to overcome the problem, but we must always bear in mind that we must strive to instantly recover from our incoherence and use the language that the people understand.3

  1. Amending the constitution: In my previous works, I have repeatedly raised the problem associated with the secession clause of Article 39 of the Constitution. No country in the world, except for the old Soviet Union, permits secession to its component parts, and countries like the USA, China, and Brazil strictly forbid secession and emphasize rather on unity and indivisibility. All three countries have autonomous states; all three are united, big, and successful. “Bigger is better” especially now when we countenance fierce competition in the global market. Ethiopia should follow the example of the above three countries, but due to its unique history, the country should preserve the current federal structure that liberated hitherto forgotten and oppressed nationalities. However, I am of the opinion that the country’s nine regions must gradually evolve from mono-ethnic  to multi-ethnic states like that of Nigeria; let the nine regional states stay in their present structure, but let other linguistic Ethiopian groups also enjoy residence and business engagement in all respective autonomous regions.
  2. Reforming the Bureaucracy: This is going to be one of the major challenges to Dr. Abiye and his nascent government, for the bureaucracy is infested with corrupt officials that have entrenched in there for almost three decades. The problem of corruption is not unique to Ethiopia; it is a universal problem indeed. The problem with the Ethiopian state machinery and bureaucracy is that it is heavily influenced by patronage politics; a patron-client relationship in which only loyal EPRDF persons are appointed to the various government offices, and as a result professionals and intellectuals who are not loyal to the ruling party (but who are loyal to their country) are either ignored or systematically back burned by the invisible hand.
  3. On Ethno-nationalist Destabilizing Elements: It looks now that the wave of ethnic hatred and the movement of the destabilizing ethno-nationalists have subsided and a pan-Ethiopian agenda and unity of the Ethiopian people have gained currency. All of a sudden, thanks to the reforms made and the electrifying mobilization campaigns in an effort to unify Ethiopians, the Ethiopian national identity once more got prominence and its preponderance will endure insofar we sustain country-wide political and social programs. However the recent Moyale disturbances and the student confrontations at Gambella University are good examples for us to reasonably argue that the destabilizing ethno-nationalists are still lurking behind. Ethiopians should always be alert and on guard to combat the nasty elements who wish to foment discord among the Ethiopian people; and in order to be effective in the sustenance of Ethiopian unity, every regional state should organize militias for that purpose.
  4. Energizing Public Conferences on Ethiopian Unity, African Unity, and Ethiopia’s Place in the Global Economy: Many conferences have already been held surrounding Ethiopian unity or Ethiopiawinet, but the emphasis should not be limited to uniting the various ethnic groups; is should further aim at changing the mindset of Ethiopians and further aim at emancipating the narrow nationalists from the shackles of sectarian ethnic politics and sinister legacy of bigotry and hatred; it should also transcend Ethiopian unity and advocate for the necessity and significance of African unity via trade and economic cooperation such as the new and ambitious Africa Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). Beyond the AfCFTCA, Ethiopia should join the chorus of current global market economy and democracy, but it should carefully avoid the consolidation of nomenclature capitalists. Scholars in the academia should seize the moment in dialectically revealing the new opportunities in Ethiopia vis-à-vis the reality of globalization. It is obvious that the current transformative measures in Ethiopia involves a change of intermediate vector (a direction or magnitude that will have an impact on Ethiopia’s future), but this by itself would not guarantee Ethiopia’s independent and viable, as well as competing status in the global economy, and that is why Ethiopian scholars need to study and research on the complexity of the globalized world and formulate policies accordingly
  5. Refurbishing our Historical Sites: The many historical sites mentioned earlier are the living testaments of our past civilizations and collective ethos; they are powerful edifices reflecting unspoken embodiment, and depending on necessity, our obligation is to refurbish them intermittently. The Ethiopian historical sites are many and variegated, but suffice to mention some that need immediate attention and renovation and these include some monasteries in Tigray, including Gunda Gundie, which is in bad shape, so much so even its own monks abandoned it; some of the Gondar castles that have turned into ghost abodes; the Jimma Abba Jiffar palace that is dilapidated and parts of its structure falling apart. If possible also, the Ethiopian government in collaboration with the Ethiopian people and UN agencies like UNESCO should hire architects, archaeologists, geologists, and antiquarians for a historic agenda to raise and erect the fallen obelisk of Aksum, which is 110 feet (33 meters)tall and weighing 520 tons (1.04 million pounds). The reconstruction and erection of this massive obelisk will be the symbolic and timely representation of a rising Ethiopia.
  6. Our Schools and Higher Institutions of Learning: of all things humans innovated, education stands out as the number one vehicle that plays a decisive role in creating better men and women and better societies; schools and higher institutions of learning are not only the bastions of knowledge, but they also the liberators of the mind, enhancers of further knowledge (knowledge is infinite), and builders of a relatively advanced culture; a culture not in the sense of customs, traditions, and belief systems, but in its macro sense that includes creativity, skills and technology. Education in Ethiopia is as old as its civilization of late antiquity and the first schools were founded and administered by the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church; modern schools mushroomed during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie; now, thanks to the EPRDF, primary and secondary schools as well as universities quadrupled in number; we have now 15, 137 kinder gardens, 32,048 primary schools and close number of secondary schools, and 50 universities throughout Ethiopia. The challenge, however, is whether these schools are equipped with textbooks, laboratories, and other instructional technologies; and above all, whether our schools and universities are led by qualified teachers and professors or not. If there are enough qualified instructors, we will have a viable and successful educational system; if on the other hand, we have a dearth of qualified teachers our schools will suffer enormously, and contrary to their mission and objectives they will produce ill-qualified students and Ethiopia will suffer. However, if quality education is ensured and ascertained (and it should be done at any cost), Ethiopia will be on the right track and direction.
  7.  Cost of Living and the Ethiopian Poor: We all know that the majority of Ethiopian people are poor and they can’t afford the ever sky-rocketing cost of living, and although Ethiopia is heading toward creating a sizable middle class, in which case a significant number of Ethiopians will be uplifted from poverty, the current exaggerated cost of living has shattered the living conditions of the poor and negatively affected the lives of the relatively better off Ethiopians as well. If indeed Ethiopia is a developmental state, its first task should be to govern the market and regulate prices on behalf of the poor. Ethiopian farmers are now producing more, but they were unable to sell their produce themselves because they were hijacked by middlemen and brokers, and as a result they still lead a subsistence economy. The Government should solve the problem of the cost of living by simply following the old business/economy model of supply and demand; the Government should regulate exports and ensure that there is abundant supply of goods and services (especially food items) to satisfy the needs of the poor; more supplies means more cheaper prices, or at least affordable cost of living, and the latter, of course, generates more demand. The Government should also take necessary and serious action against hoarders and merchants engaged in underground transaction of market goods; the latter not only contribute to market distortions, but they also deprive the Government of its legitimate collection of revenue.

In order to translate the proposed programmatic issues into action and witness efficacy of the various items I have enumerated above, Ethiopia should undergo some sort of cultural-revolution, in an effort to expedite the development agenda and to prepare Ethiopians for genuine democracy and good governance.

Finally, I like to remind all Ethiopians who love their country of their solemn duty to make Ethiopia a peaceful, stable, successful, and bright spot shinning and radiating to the whole continent of Africa; to meet the requirements for Ethiopia’s success, commitment would be the first and prime criterion, among many other criteria, and I leave you with what Frantz Fanon once said: “Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it.”4                      


  1. Ghelawdewos Araia, ETHIOPIA: The Political Economy of Transition, University Press of America, 1995, p. 166
  2. Ghelawdewos Araia, “21st Ethiopian Politics Should Be Reoriented Toward National Reconciliation and a Home Grown Ideology”, June 28, 2013, www.africanidea.org/reorient_ethiopian_politics.html
  3. Ghelawdewos Araia, “Language for Whose Audience in the Ethiopian Context? A Message to PM Hailemariam Desalegn”, June 30, 2013, www.africanidea.org/language_whose_audience.pdf; also cited in Lou T. M. Kahssay, proposed Language Reform for Ethiopia, Three Qua Publishing, 2016, p. 79
  4. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, Grove Press Inc., New York, p. 167

All Rights Reserved © Copyright: Institute of Development and Education for Africa (IDEA), 2018; Dr. Ghelawdewos Araia can be contacted via dr.garaia@africanidea.org  


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